E 357 
.07 

Ccpy 1 




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Speech of the Hon, Jnsiah Quincj, 

M 
KV THE HOUSE OF UEI'KLSENTATIVES OF THE U. S. JAN. 25, 281?. 

In Rilation to Maritime Protection, 



MR. SFKAKER, 

1 RISK to address you, on this occasion, with no aOectcd dif. 
hdcnce ; and with many doubts, conccrnip.g the expediency of taking 
kiiy p.irl ill tliis dehiiro. On the one hand, the subject has been dis. 
lussi'il with a zimI, industry and talt-ut, whicl> leave but little scope for 
i.uvelly, cither i.i topio, or iUus(ralion. On the other hand, aiguinentj, 
from tliis side of the house, in favor of this question, are received with. 
so natural a jealousy, that 1 know not, whether more may not be lost 
than gained, by so unpropitious a suppoit. Indeed, Sir, if this subjecL 
had been discussed on narrow, or temporary, or party principles, i 
^houI^! have been silent. On such ground I could not condescend to 
(lobare ; I could not hope to ii-.llueuce. But the scale of discussion ha* _ , 
beon cnlarjjcd and liberal ; relative rather to the general system, that 
to the particular exigency ; in aliujst every respect, it has been honor 
able to the house, and auspicious to the prospects of the nation. '" 
such a state of feeling and sentiment, 1 could not refrain from indulgiu^ 
the ht»po, that sugj^i-stions. even from no favorite quarter, would be re- 
tei»u..l with candor, i)erhaps with attention. And, when I consider the 
deep interest which the state, from which I have the honor to bt a re- 
presenlative, has, according to my apprehension, in the event, 1 cannot 
permit the opportunity, entirely, to pass, without bringing my small 
tribute of rellection, into the general slock of the house. 

The object I shall, chiehy, attempt to enforce, is the necessity and 
duty of a systematic protection of our maritime rights, by maritime 
means. I would cal' the thoughtful, and inielligent men of this housu 
ifid nation, to the contemplaiiowjjjpf the essential connexion botwcu.t a 
naval force, proportionate to the circun»stanccs of our sea coast, ii;e 
cxt.'nt of our commerce, and the inherent cnterprize of our people; — I 
say, sir, L would call then\ to thu cuntempU'tion of the esscntijl con- 
nexion between such a naval force and the safety, prosperity and exist- 
ence of our union. In the course of my observations, and as a subsi- 
diary argument, 1 shall also attempt to shew the connexion between the 
Hd»|)tii.n of the principle of a systematic maintenance of our mi-ritirne 
ii^lita, by luariliuic means, and relief from our present national euil:-.. 
rassmentg. 

1 confess to you, Mr. Speaker, T never can look, indeed, in my opi- 
nion, no American statesman oughi ever to lt)ok, on any question, 
touching the vital interests oi this nation, or of any of its compouei.t 
parts, without keeping at all times, in distinct view, the nature of <u;r 
political association, and the character ol the indejiendent sovereigntiuj, 
nhich compoic if. Among states, the only sure and permanent b jiKi 
cf union is ii-'tercst. And the r'xni interests of states, although thev 



/ _ - 



o 



<.. 



f:.iv be somctimrs obnurcd, can luver, for a rcry long (imc, be inisap- 
prtlicncJod. The natural protection, which the essential interosis of tho 
great ccuniioncnt parts of our political association require, will be, soon- 
er or later, understood by the states concerned in those iiitcrcsts. If a 
protection, upon system, be not provided, it is impossible that discon- 
tent should not result. And need I tell statesmen, that, when great lo- 
cal discontent is com»»ined, in those sections, with ;^rcat physical power, 
anil with acknowledgrd portions of sorcreignty, the inbred ties of na- 
ture will be too strong for the artificial ties of parchment compact ? 

Hence it results, that the essential interests of the great component 
parts of our association, ought to be the polar lights of all our states- 
men. By them they should guide their course. According to the bear- 
ings and variations of those lights should the statesmen of such a coun- 
try adjust their policy. Always bearing in mind two assurances, as 
fundamental principles of action, which the nature of things teaches ; 
that although temporary circumstances, paity spirit, local rivalries, per- 
sonal jealousies, suggestions of subordinate interests, may weaken, or 
even destroy, for a time, the inlluencc of the leading and permanent in- 
terests of atiy great section of the country, yet thosj interests must ul- 
timately, and necessarily predominate and swallow uji all these local, 
and temporary, and personal, and subordinate considerations ; in other 
ww^ords, the minor interests will soon begin to realize, the essential con- 
nexion, which exists between their prosperity, and the prosperity of 
kose gieat interests, which, in such sections of the country, nature ha^ 
P"adc predominant ; and, that no political connexion, ainong free states, 
fiM be lasting, or ought to be, wtiich systematically oppresses, or sys- 
tematically refuses to protect, the vital interests of any of the sovereign- 
ties, which compose it. 

1 have recurred to these general considerations, to intro<lucc, and elu- 
cidate this principle, which is the basis of my argument ; — that, as it is 
th« incumbent duly of every nation to protect its essential interests, so 
it is the most impressive and critical duty of a nation, composed of a vo- 
luntary association of vast, powerful and independent states, to jjrotcct 
the essential interests of all its great, coini)onent parts. And I add, that 
this protection must not be formal, or fictitious, but that it must be pro- 
portionate to the greatness of those interests, and of a nature to give 
content to the states, concerned in their protection. 

In reference to this principle, the course of my relleclions will be 
guided by two general inquiries ; the nature of tiie interest to be pro- 
tected ; the nature of the protection to be extended. In pursuing tliese 
inquiries, 1 iha!l touch very slightly, if at all, on the abstract duty of 
protection ; which i.s the very end of all political associations, and with- 
out the attainment of which, they arc burdens and no blessings. Uut 
1 shall keep it mainly in my purpose, to establish the connexion be- 
tween a n.ival force and commercial prosperity ; and to show the nature 
ef the u.-crsvity, and the degree of our capacity, to give to our maritime 
riglils a n».iritime protection. 

In ronlcmplatiiig the nature of the ii\terest to be protected, three 
prominent fealiires strike the eye and direct the course of relleclion ; 
its locality — its greatness — and its permanency. 

The locality of any gteat interci^t, in an association of states, such M 
compose this union, will be a tircuiustancc of primary importance, in 



ii»e cslimatlon of every wise statesman. When agreatinterast is equal- 
ly diflused over (he whole mass, it may be neglected, or op[)rossed, or 
c?cn abandoned, with less haz;ird of internal ilisseusion. The equality 
of the pressure lightens the burden. The coaunon -.laturc of the inter- 
est removes the causes of jealousy. A concern, equally aflec'.ing the 
happiness of every part of the nation, it is natural to suppose is equally 
dear to all ; and e<iually understood by all. Hence results acquies- 
cence, in auy artificial, or political embarrassment of it. Sectional fears 
and suspicions, in such case, have no food for support, and no stimu- 
lant for activity. But it is far otherwise, when a great interest is, from 
its nature, either wholly, or in a very great proportion, local. In re- 
lation to such a local interest, it is impossible that jealousies and suspi- 
cions should not arise, whenever it is obstructed by any artificial, or po- 
litical embarrassment. And it is also impossible, that they should not 
be, in a greater or less degree, just. It is true of the wisest, and the 
best, and the most thoughtful of our species, that they arc so constitut- 
ed, as not deeply to realize the importance of interests, which affect 
them not at all, or very remotely. Every local circle of states, as well 
as of individuals, has a set of interests, in the prosperity of which, the 
happiness of the section, to which they belong, is identified. In rela- 
tion to Avhicli interests the hopes and the fears, the reasonings and the 
schemes of the inhabitants of such sections arc necessarily fasliioned aud 
conducted. It is morally impossible, that those concerned in such sec- 
tional interests, should not look, with some degree of jealousy, on 
schemes adopted in relation to (hose interests, and prosecuted by men, 
a majority <>f which have a very remote or very small stake in them. 
And this jealo-usy must rise to an extreme height, when the course of 
measures adopted, whether they have relation to the management, or 
the protection of such interests, wholly contravene the opinions and the 
practical experience of the persons immediately concerned in them. 
This course of retlcction has a tendency to illustrate this idea, that as, 
in every political association, it is of primary importance that the great 
interests of each local section should be skillfully and honestly managed 
and protected, so, in selecting the mode and mt-ans of management and 
protection, an especial regard should be had to the content and rational 
satisfaction of those most deeply concerned, in such sectional interests. 
Theories and speculations of the closet, however abundant in a show of 
wisdom, are never to be admitted io take the jilacc of those principles 
of conduct, in which experience lias shewn the prosperity and safety of 
such interests to consist. Practical knowledge, and that sagacity which 
results from long attention to great interests, never fail to inspire a just 
self-confidence in relation to those interests — A confidence, not to be 
browbeaten by authority, nor circumvented by any general reasoning. 
And, in a national point of view, it is scarcely of more importance, that 
the course adopted should be wise, thaa that content and rational satis- 
faction should be given. 

On this topic of locality, I shall confine myself to one or two very 
plain statements. It seems sufficient to observe, that commerce is, from 
the nature of things, the leading interest of more than one hjlf, and that 
it is the predominating interest of more than one third of the people of 
these United States. The States, North of the Potomac, contain nearly 
four miUiQns of souls ', and surely it needs no proof to c^mviace the 



most casuil oh^trrcr, that tho proportion, which the roniTncrcial inter- 
est boars to the interests of that ^rcat section of the Union, is such as 
entitles it to the denomination of a leiuliu^ intero't. The States. North 
of the Hudson, contain nearly tzco and a half millions of sonis ; and 
mrelv there is as little need of proof to shew that the proportion the 
commercial interest bears to the other interests of that Northern section 
of the union is such, as entitles it, there, to the denomination of a ;»r<,- 
dominatin^ interest. In all the country, between the Potomac and the 
lliuison, the interest of commerce is so great, in proportion to the other 
interests, that its embarrassment cloj^s and weakens the energy of every 
«»!hor description of industry. Yet the ai^ritultiiral and manufacturinc^ 
interests of this sortion are of a nature and a magnitude, both in respect 
of the staples of the one, and the objects of the other, as render tlierr), 
in 3 verv considerable degree, independent of the commercial. And al- 
though they feel the ertect of the obstruction of commerce, the feeling 
mav be borne, for a long time, -without much iiulividnal sulfering, or 
any general distress. But in the country, north of the Hudson, the 
proportion and connexions of these great interests are dilTerent. Coth 
agriculture and manufactures have, there, grown up in more intimate 
relation to commerce. The industry of that section has its shape ami 
energy from commercial prosperity. To the construction, the supply, 
and the support of navigation, its manufactures have a direct, or indi- 
rect, reference. And it is not very dilleront with its agriculture. A 
country, divided into small farms, among a population great, compared 
with its extent, requires q\»ick circulation a«d easy processes, in the ex- 
change of its commodities. This can only be obtained by an active and 
prosperous comniprce. 

In order more clearly to apprehend the locality of the commercial in- 
terest, cast vour eyes upon the abstract of tonnage, lately laid upon our 
tables, according to annual custom, by the Secretary of our Treasury, 
It will be found that 

The agsreginfe tonnage of the U. Slates is - . - . I,4'i4,(ii)0 

Of till* ili'-iT \% owiird tvtwofn tin- Missis'-iiipi and the I'otomric - '2J!,o<k» 

Hi'lw«i'ii till- I'ni'iiiiar niicl the lludviii, ... .'i'Jl,UIO 

Ami norlli of ihc ) lu(l»r)ii, ...... 8S'2,00O 

1 ,4'24,n< 10 
If »lii» tonnn»e l>e estimated, new nnd olt?, a"! it mrxr, uilhout extravagance, al an av« r- 

ase. vmI'Ii- »>I f.lly dolliin* llie twn : 

'I'he ti>i;d Rj;i,'rf(;nl«* value of tlie lonnnge of llie United Slates mnv lie slated in 

round nuiiiU-ra, at - - - - - ' - g 70,000,000 

or wliirh fonr sevcnlln (ire owned noitli '.f the Hiul-iOn. efpuil to - Jb*"'-""*^!*^"* 

'['»■(( »cvcrii)i% are owned hclwccii tli«* lliidnoii and llie I'oton»ac, equal lo 'J<'i,(mhi,0(H| 

One »<;vctilh is owned suuili of the rotoinac, t<nial to - - jU,<'(il',i;oo 

i5 70,000,000 

To place the locality of lliis Interest in a light still more striking and 
impressive, I state, that it appears by that abstract ihatTjiF single 

SlArK OF MASSArjII SHTS AI.ONV;, rossVRSr.S NKAUf.Y IIAI.r A MILLION 

vi TovNAGK. I'reciicly, in round numbers, •1Ofl,O()0 tons. 

An amount of tonnape equal, villain filty thousand tons, to the whole 
tonnage, owned by all the states .south of iljc Hudson. 



I refer to this exceislvc disproportion between the tonnage, owned in 
difTerent states and sections of the United States, rather as a type, than 
as an estimate, of the greatness of the comparative disproportion of the 
whole commercial interest, in those respective states and sections. The 
truth is, this is much gre uer than the proportion of tonnage indicates, 
inasmuch as the capital and the industry, occupied in finding employ 
for this great amount of tonnage, are almost wholly possessed by the 
sections of the country, to which that tonnage belongs. A satisfactory 
estimate of the value of that capital and industry would require a mi- 
nuteness of detail, little reconcileable either with your patience, or with 
the necessity of the present aigument. Enough has been said to con- 
vince any one, who will take the trouble to reflect upon the subject, that 
the interest, is, in its nature, eminently local ; that it is impossible 
it can be systematically abandoned, without convulsing that whole sec- 
tion of country ; and that the states, interested in this commerce, so 
vital to their prosperity, have a right to claim, and ought not to be con- 
tent with less, than efficient protection. 

The imperious nature of this duty will be still farther enforced by 
considering the s^reatne'^s of thi.i interest. In doing this, I prefer to 
present a single view of it ; lest by distracting the attention to a great 
variety of particulars, the effect of the whole should be lost, in the mul- 
titude of details. Let us inquire into the amount of property, annual- 
ly exposed to maritime depredation and what the protection of it is 
worth, to the nation, which is its proprietor. An estimate of this kind 
must, necessarily, be very loose and general. But it will be, sufficiently, 
accurate to answer all the purposses of the argument. For the subject 
is of that massive character, that a mistake of many millions makes no 
material alteration, in the conclusion to be drawn from the statemeni- 

Tbe total exnortof thp U. States, in the treasiirv rear, eiuling; on the 1st (lav 
of Oct. I Sor, was 10S,Oi)0.0<X) of dollars. That cf tlv; year emlinp: the 1st of 
October, 1811, was S 61,000,000. The avc-ra-e value exceeds 80,(100.000. 
Biit. to avoid all cavil 1 statu the annual average value of exi^rts of the 
United Si ' es, at .--.... S "0>000,000 

To this add the annnal average value of tlic "iliippinij of the United States, 
which, \iO\v and old, cannot be less than § 50 the ton, and on one million 
FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND tons, is also ... 70,000,000 

To this ad<l the averafe annual value of frei<;ht, out and home, which calculated 

OT voyages of all descriptions, may he fairly stated :it S 70 the ton, and is 98,000,000 
For this e tmate of the value of freight and tonnage, I am iddeblcd to an 

honorable friend and collea|»ne, (.Vlr. Heed) whose information and pcnerul 

intelligence concernins; commercial sulijects .are, perha['», not exceeded by 

those of any gentleman, in cither branch of congress. 

To this add the total average value of property annually at risque, in our 

coasting trade, which cannot be less than and probably far exceeds - 100,000,000 

Our seamen are also the snhjecls of annual exposure, 'i'he value of this 
hardy, industrious and generous race of men is not to he cstimate<l in money. 
The pride, the hope, and, if you would permit, the bulwark of this com- 
mercial community, are not to he put into the scale against silver, or gold, 
in any moral, or political estimate. Yet, for the present object, I may be 
permitted to state the value of the skill and industry of these frecmeii, to 
their country, at £ .)00each, which on 1 JyjOO seamen the unquestion.abic 
number is '.-..-... CO.OOO.CTO 



iMaking a gross agsres^tc of ..... g 33K,O0O,tH)O 

Although I have no qtiestion of the entire correctness of this cal- 
culation, yet for the purpose of avoiding every objection, which 
mi^ht arise, in relation to the value of freight or tonnage, I put out 



6 

of the q\icsiion nincty-eiglit niillions of the above estimate, and stale 
the amount ofiinnual inniiiime exposure at only 300,000,000 dollars. 
To this nuibt ho added ilic value of the property on our sea-boaidj 
of all the lives of our citizens and of all the cities and habitations on 
the coast, exposed to instant insult and violation, from the most con- 
temptible maritime plunilercr. No man can think that I am extra- 
vagant, if I add, on tliis account, an amount equal to that, annually 
exposed at sea, and state the whole amount of maritime and sea- 
toast exposure, in round numbers, at six uundued millions of 

DOLLARS. 

I am aware that this estimate falls short of the reality. I kno'.r 
that the s-.ifcty of our domestic hcaulis and our altars, and the secu- 
rity of all the dear and tender objects of affection and duty, '^hich 
suiTOunrl tl'.em, arc beyond the reach of pecuniary estimates. But 
I lay those considerations out of the question, and bim[)ly inquire, 
what is the worth of a rational degree of security, in lime of war, 
for such an amount of property, considering it merely as an interest 
to be insured, at the market rate, of the worth of protection. Sup- 
pose an individual had such a property at risque, which, in time of 
peace, was sul)jcct to so much plunder and insult, and, in time of 
war, was liable to be swept away, would he not be tleemed unwise, 
or rather absolutely mad, if he neglected, at the annual sacrifice of 
one, or two, or even three per cent, to obtain, for this property, a very 
liigh degree of security ; as high, perhaps, as the divine will per- 
mits man to enjoy, in relation to the possessions of this life, which, 
according to the Hxcd dispensations of his Providence, are necessa- 
rily uncertain and transitory ? But suppose that instead of one, two, 
or three per cent, he could by the regular annual application of two 
thirds cf one fier cent, upon the whole amount of the property at 
risque, obtain a security thus high and desirable. To what language 
of wonder and contemjU would siich an individual subject himself, 
%vho, at so small a sacrifice, should refuse or neglect to obtain .so im- 
portant a blessing ? What then shall be said of a nation, thus neglect- 
ing and thus refusing, when to it attach, not only all the considera- 
tions of interest and preservation of property, which belong to the 
jndi\idual, but other, and far higlier and more impressive ; t.uch as 
the in vintcnaiice of is peace, of its honor, the safety Oi" the lives of 
its citizens, of its seaboard from devastation, and even, perhaps, of 
its children, and females from massacre or brutal violence ? Is tnere 
any languige of ronlcmpt and detestation loo strong for such blind 
infatuation : 6u:h palpable improvidence ? I'or let it be rcmemberctl 
that liL"j l/iirdi of one /ler crnt, n/ton the amount 0/ /n-o/ierti/ thin 
atjfiuallij rx/iosrd, ia J''our Millions of Dollars. The annual systematic 
appropriation of which amount would answer all the puiposes and 
hopes of commerce, olyour ciiics tnd seaboard. 

hut, perhaps, the grcutncss of this interest and our pecuniary abi- 
lity to piotccl it, may be mude more strikingly apparent, by a com- 
parison uf our commerce wiih that of Great Britain, in the eiiigle 
particular of export. 

I state, then, as a fict, of wl.ich any man may satisfy himself, by 
a reference to M-Piierson's Annais of ('ommerce, v.'herc the tables of 
British export mny be found, that taking the nine years prior to the 



AVar of our revolution from I76G to 1774, inclusive, the tot*l avcraf?© 
export of Great Britain was 1G,000,000/. sterling, ccjual to 7 1,OUO,000 
dollars. An amount less, by ten million of dollars, ilian the present 
total average export of the U. States. 

And ati;ain, taking the nine years, beginninci; iviih 178'/> ;uid cndinj; 
with 1797, inclusive, the total average annual export of Cireat Bri- 
tain was 24,000,000^ sterling, eciual to 106,000,000 dollars, wliich is 
less by two millions of dollars than the total export of the U. States 
in 1807. Ic is true that this is the official value of the British export, 
and that the real value is somewhat higher ; perhaps thirty per cent. 
This circumstance, although it in a degree diminishes the approxi- 
mation of the American to the British commerce, in point of amount, 
does not materially aflect the argument. Upon the basis of her com- 
merce Great Britain maintains a maritime force of eight hundred or 
a thousand vessels of war. And will it be seriously contcneled that 
upon the basis of a commerce like ours, thus treading upon the heels 
of British greatness, we arc absolutely without the abilitv of main- 
taining the security of our sea-board, the safety of our cities and the 
unobstructed course cfour coasting trade? 

By recurring to the perrrMuency of this interest., the folly and mad- 
ness of this negligence, and misplaced meanness, for it does not de- 
serve the name of economy, will be still more distinctly exhibited. 
If this commerce were the mushroom growth of a night, if it had its 
vigor from the temporary excitement and the accumulated nutri- 
ment, which warring elements, in Europe, had swept from the places 
of their natural depo:>it, then indeed there might be some excuse for 
a temporizing policy, touching so transitory an interest. But com- 
merce, in the Eastern states, is of no foreign growth ; and of no ad- 
ventitious seed. Its root is of a fibre, which almost two centuries 
have nourished. And the perpetuity of its destiny is written, in le- 
gible characters, as well in the nature of the country, as in the dis- 
positions of its inhabitants. Indeed, sir, look along your whole coast, 
from Passamaquody to Capes Henry and Charles, and behold the 
deep and far -ttinding creeks and inlets, the noble basons, the pro- 
jectin:^: head lands, the majestic rivers, and those sounds and bays, 
which are more like inland seas, than like any thing called by those 
names, in otlier quarters of the globe. Can any man do this and not 
realize, that the destiny of the people, inhabiting such a country, is 
essentially maritime ? Can any man do this, without being impress- 
ed by the conviction, that although the poor projects of politicians 
may embarrass, for a lime, the dispositions giowuiif out of the con- 
dition of such a country, yet that nature will be too strong for cob- 
web regulations and will vindicate her rights, with certain ellcct ; 
perhaps with awful perils l No nation ever did, or ever ought to, re- 
sist such allurements and invitations to a particular mode of indus- 
try. The purposes of Providence, relative to the destination of mcii 
are to be gathered from the circumstances, in which his benificcncc 
has placed them. And, to refuse to make use of the means of pros- 
perity, which his goodness has put into our hands, what is it but 
spurning at his bounty, and rejecting the blessings, which his infi- 
nite wisdom ha. designated for us, by the very nature of his allot- 
ments ? The employments of industry, connected with navigation antl 



8 

commercial cnlcrprizc, arc precious to the people of that quarter of 
the country, by iinciciu prejudice, not less than by recent profit. The 
occupaiion ii^ rcndercJ dear mul venerable, by all the chcribUed asso- 
ciations otour iuCancy, asiJ all the sage and prudential mu^ims of our 
ancestors. And, as to tlic lessons oi' cncourap^emcni, deiivcd Iioni 
recent experience, Mhat nation, ever within a similar period, rcC(.i\- 
cd so many that were sweet and salutary I What nation, in so short 
u time, ever before ascended to such a height ot commercial great- 
ness. 

It has been said, by some philosophers of the other hcmispkcrc^ 
that nature, in this new world, had worked by u sublime scale ; that 
our mountains, and rivers, and Ukcs were, beyond all comparison, 
greater than any thing the old world could boast ; tliat she had here 
made nothing dimiiiuuvc — excei'T its animals. And ought wo 
not to fear lest the bitterness of this sarcasm khould be concentrated 
on our country, by a course of policy, wholly unworthy of the magni- 
tude and nature of the interests, committed to our guardi^inship ? 
Have wc not reason to fear, that some future cynic, with an asperity 
wiiich truth shall m-kc piercing, will declare, tl.at uU things in these 
United States are great. — excei'T its st-vtesmv-n ; and thcit we arc 
pigmies, to whom Providence has entrusted, lor some inscrutable 
purpose, gigantic labours ? Can we deny the justice of such severity 
of remark, if, instead of adopting a scale of thought and a standard 
of action, proportionate to the greatness of our trust and the multi- 
plied necessities of the people, wc bring to our lask the mere mea- 
sures of professional industry ; and mete out contributions for nation- 
al safely by our fee-Lablcs, our yard-sticks, and our gill pots ? Can 
we refrain from subscribing to the truth of such censure, if we do 
not rise, in some degree, to the height of our obligations ; and teach 
ourselves to conceive, and with the people to realize, the vastncss 
ol those relations, which are daily springing among states, which are 
not so much one empirv, as a congregation of empires ? 

Having concluded what I intended to suggest, in relation to the na- 
lure of the interests to be firotccted, I proceed to consider the iiuttire 
of' the firotecti^ti, nvhicli It is'our duty to extend. 

And here, Mr. Speaker, 1 am necessitated to make an observation, 
which is so biniplc arul so obviuus, ihut, were it not for the argu- 
ments urged against the piinciple of maritime protection, I should 
have deemed the mere meniion of it, to require an apology, 'i'hc 
rci.iark is this, tlial rights, in their nature local, can only be main- 
tained where they exist, and not where they do not exist. If you 
liad u field to defend in Georgia, it would be very strange to put up 
a fence in Mahsachusetts. And yet, how doe* this dilVer from inva- 
ding Canada, for llie purpose of defending our maritime rights ? I 
wcg not to be undcrt.tuod, Mr. Sijcakcr, bykhii, remark, as intending 
to chili the ardor for the Canada expediuon. It is very true, that to 
possess ourselves of the C.tnadas, ar.d Nova Scotia and their dependen- 
cies, it would cost thcbc United States, at the least estimate, I'O^!/ *^^'-- 
iions of Dollars ; and th-it Great Britain, national pride, and her pledge 
of protection to the people of that country, being put cut ot the tjuci. 
tion, would sell you the wliole territory for half the money. I make 
ao objcciion, hov.cvcr, oa this accouot. On the conuarv, Icj the pu:- 



poses of the present argument, I may admit, that pecuniary calculation 
ought to be put out of the field, whsn spiric is to be shewn or honor vin- 
dicated. I only design to inquire how our maritime rights arc protect- 
ed, by such invasion. Suppose that, in every land project, you 
are successful. Suppose both the Canadas. Quebec, Halifax, ard every 
thing to the North Pole yours, by tair conquest Aic .our right-on 
th|^cean, therefore, secure ? Docs your flag Hoat, afterwards, in ho- 
nor ? Are y')ur seamen sa e from impressment ? Is your course along 
the high-way of nations unobstructed ? No one pretends it. No one 
has, or can shew, by any logical deduction, or any detail of facts, that 
the loss of those countries would so compress Great Britain, as to in- 
duce her to abandon for one hour, any of her maritime pretensions. 
What then results? Why, sir, what is palpable as the day, thac mari- 
time rights are only to be maintaiHed by maritime means. This spe- 
cies of protection must be given, or all clamor about maritime rights 
will be understood, by the people interested in them, to be hollow or 
false ; or, what is worse, an intention to co operate, with the enemies of 
our commerce in a still further embarrassment of it. 

While I am on this point, I cannot refrain from noticing a strange 
solecism, which seems to prevail, touching the term i l g. It is talked 
about, as though there was something mystical in its very na ure ; 
as though a rag, with certain stripes and stars upon it, tied to a 
stick, and called a flag, was a wizzard's wand, and eiuailed secuiiry on 
every thing under it, or within its sphere. There is nothing like all 
this, in the nature of the thing A flag is the evidence of power. A. 
land flag is the evidence of land power. A maritime flag is the evi- 
dence of maritime power. You may have a piece of bunting upon a 
staff, and call it a flag, but if you have no maritime power to maintain 
it, you have a name, and no reality ; you have the shadow, without the 
substance ; you have the sign of a flag, but in truth — you havlno flag. 

In co;ihiderinu this subjeci oi m ■ itunc pioiiciion, I sluil rt-cur 
to the nature and degree of it, and to our capacity to extend it. And, 
here, we are always met, at the very threshold with this objection ; 
"A naval force requires much time to get it into readiness, and 
the exigency will be past, before the preparation can be com- 
pleted." Tiius want of foresight, in times p.ist, is made .m apology 
for want of foresiglu, in the time present. — We were unwise in the 
beginning, and unwise we resolve to continue, until the end of the 
chapter. We refuse to do uny thing until the moment of exigency, 
and then it is too late. Thus our improvidence is nude sponsor for 
our disinclination. But what is the law of nature and the dictates of 
wisdom, on this subject ? The casualties of life, the accidents, to 
which man is exposed, are the modes, esiiiblished by Providence, 
for his instruction. This is the law of our nature. Hence it is that 
adversity is said to keep a school, f©r ceit;>in people, who will learn in 
no other. Hence, too, the p(jet likins it to " a toa<t, ugly i nd venom- 
ous, which.bears a precious jewel in us head." And, in another place, 
but with the i^a;ue general relation, » out of this ihorn diuigcr, wc 
pluck the flo^tr safety." This law is just as rcl-live to nations, as 
it is to individuals, lor, notwithstanding all thr vaunting of states- 
men, their whole business i* to apply an enlarged common sense to 
B 



10 

tJie aftairs, entrusted to their management. It is as much the duty 
of the rulers of a statei as it is that of an individual, to learn wisdom 
from misfoitune, and to draw, from every particular instance of ad- 
versity, iliose maxims of conduct, by the collection and application 
of winch, our intellectual and moral natures are distinguished and 
elevated. In all cases of this kind, the inquiry ought to be, is this 
exigency pecuJiar, or is it general ? Is it one, in which human ef- 
fort is unavailing, and ihciefore retpiires, only, ihe exercise of aiPe. 
signation and wise submission to ihe divine will ? Or is it one, which 
skill, or power, may Im.it, or obviate ? On the result of this enquiry 
our obligations depend. For when man conducts toward a general 
evil, as though ii wcve peculiar; of when, througli ignorance, or 
pusil;ininiily, he nculccis to use the means of relief, or prevention, 
to the extent, in wliich he i)ossesses them ; if he stretches himself 
out, in a stupid Lmgour, and refuses to do any tiling, because he 
linds he c.innot do every thing, then, indeed, all his clamours against 
the course of nature, or the conduct of others, are but artifices, by 
w.'^icb he \Nould conceal from tiie world, perhaps from himself, the 
texiure of liis own guilt. His misiortunes are, in such case, his 
crimes Let them proceed from what souice they will, he is him- 
self, at least, a half-worker in the fabrick of his own n.iseries. 

Mr. Speaker, can any one contemplate the exigency, which at this 
day, depresses our country, and for one moment, deem it peculiar ? 
The degree of such commercial evidences may vary, but they must, 
always, exist. It is absurd to suppose that such a population as is 
that of the \tlantic states can be either driven, or decoyed from the 
ocean ? It is just as absurd to imagine, that wealth will not invite 
cupidity ; and that weakness will not insure both insult and plunder. 
The circumstances of our age make this truth signally impressive. 
Who docs not sec, in the conduct of Europe, a general departure 
liom those cemmon principles, which once constituted national mo- 
rality ? What is safe, which power can seize, or ingenuity can cir- 
cumvent .'' or what truths more palpable than these, — that there is 
no safety for national rights, but in the national arm ; and that im- 
portant interests, systematically pursued, must be systematically 
protected. 

Toucliine; the nature and degree of that maritime protection, which 
it m.iy be wise, in tins nation, to extend, to its maritime interests, 
it seems to mc, that our exertions should ratiier be excited than 
graduated, by the present exigency ; th»t onr duty is to enquire, 
upon a general scale, wiiat our commercial citizens, have, in this 
rcspc' t, a right to il.iim ; and what is the unqucsliooable obliga- 
tion of a comnicrt iai nation, to so great a class of its interests. For 
this purpose, my oi)scrvations will have reference, rather to the 
principles of the system, than to the provisions of the bill, now under 
debate. Undoubtedly, an appropriation for the building of ten, or 
any other addition-l nundjcr of frigates, would be so distinct a mani- 
fv:st.ai(jn of the inicntioTi of the national legislature to extend to 
comni.iec, its n..tural pioiection, as in itself to outweigh any theo- 
reliL prefeieiicr, for a miriiime lorcc of a higher character. I can- 
not, therefore, but cordially su])port an appropriation for a species 



11 

of protection, so important and desirable. Yet, in an arfjumcnt, 
having relation to tlie system, rather than to the orcusion, I um • 1 
shall have the indulgence of the house, if n»y course of rilltciions 
should take a wider range than the propositions on ihc laole, and 
embrace, within the scope of remark, the general principles, by 
which the nature and degree of systematic naval protection should, 
in my judgment, be regulated. 

Here, ii seems, hardly, necessary to observe, that a main object 
of all protection is satisfaction to the persons, whose interests aie in- 
tended to be protected. And to this object a peculiar aiteniion ought 
to be paid, when it happens, that the majority of the rulers of u na- 
tion are composed of persons, not, immediately, concerned in those 
interests, and not, generally, suspected of having an overweening 
attachment to them. In such a state of things, it is peculi.irly im- 
portant, that the course of conduct adopted should be such as to in- 
dicate, systematic intention as to the end, and wise adaptation, as to 
the means. For, in no other way, can that satisfaction, of which I 
speak, result, and which, is, in a national point of view, at the same 
time, one of the most important objects of government, and one of 
the most certain evidences of its wisdom. For men, interested in 
protection, will always deem, themselves, the best judges of the na- 
ture of that protection. And as such men can never be content with 
any thing short of efficient protection, according to the nature of the 
object, so instinct, not less than reason, will instruct them, whether 
the means you employ are, in iheii niture, real, or illusory. Now, 
in order to know what will give this satisfaction to the persons, in- 
terested, so desirable both to them and to the nation, it is necessary 
to know the nature and gradation, in value of those interests and to 
extend protection, not so much with a lavish, as with a discrimina- 
ting and parental hand. If it happen, in respect of any interest, as 
it is acknowledged, on all sides, it is, at present, the case, with the 
commercial, that it cannot be protected, against all the world, to the 
uttermost of its greatness and dispersion, then the cnijuiiy occurs, 
what branch of this interest is most precious to comnieicial men, 
and what is the nature of that protection, which will give it to the high- 
est degree of certainty, of which its nature is susceptible ? It has 
been by the result of these two inquiiies, in my mind, that its opin- 
ion has been determined concerning the objects, and the degree of 
protection. 

Touching that branch of interest which is most precious to com- 
mercial men, it is impossible, that there can be any mistake. For, 
however, dear the interests of property, or of life, exposed upon the 
ocean, may be to their owners, or their friends, yet the safety of our 
altars and of our firesides, of our cities and our seaboard, must, from 
the nature of things, be entwined into the afl'ections, by ties, incom- 
parably more strong and tender. And it liappens that both national 
pride and honour are peculiarly identified with the support of these 
primary objects of commercial interest. 

It is in this view, I state that the first and most important object 
of the nation ought to be such a naval force, as shill give su- h a de- 
gree of national security, as the nature of the subject admits, to our 



12 

cities and sea-board and coasting trade ;— that the system of mari- 
time proiictioii ou^'lit to rest upon this busis ; and tliat, it should not 
attempt to go lunher, uniil these objects are secured — And I have 
no hcsiiuiion to declare, that until such a maiitimc ioicc be system- 
alicallj" maintained, by this nation, it shamefully neglects, its most 
important duties and most ciitical interests. 

\\"n'\ respect to the nature and extent of this naval force, some 
difference of opinion may arise, according to the view, taken of the 
primny objects of protection. For myself, I consider, that those 
objects are lifol to be protected, in the safety of which, the national 
charactc: a;nl hapyiness are most deeply intere-.ted. And these are, 
chiefly, concerned, beyond all ciucsiion, in tiie preservation of our 
niariiimc sttUcincnts, from ])illagc and our coast fiom violence. 
For this purpose, ii is requisite, that there should be a ship of war, 
for the iiarboi of every great city of the United States, equal, in point 
of force, to the usual grade of ships of ihc line of the maritime bel- 
ligerents. These ships might be so iubiructed, as to act singly, or 
together, as circumstances might require. INIy reason for the selec- 
tion of this species of force is, that it puts every city and great har- 
bor of the United Stalts, in a state of security from the insults, and 
the inhabitants of your sea coast from the depredation, of any single 
ship of war of any nation. To these should be added a number of 
irigates and smaller vessels of war. By such means our coasting 
trade might be protected, the mouths of our harbors secured, in 
paiticular, that of the INIississippi, from the buccaneerft of the West 
Indies and, hereafter, perhaps, from those of South America. A 
system of protection, graduated upon a scale, so confomiuble to the 
nature of the country ajiid to tlie greatness of the commercial inter- 
est, would tend to quiet that spirit of jealousy, which so naturally, 
and so justly, begins to spring among the States. Those uiterested, 
in commerce, would care little, what local influences predominated, 
or how the ball of power vibrated among our factions, provided an 
cflicient protection of their essential mteresls, upon systematic prin- 
ciples, was not only secured by the letter of the constitution, but as- 
sured by a spirit, pervading every description of their lulers. 

But it is said, that " wc have not cap.tcity to maintain auch a na- 
val force." Is it want of pecuniary, or want of physical capacity ? 
In relation to our pecuniary capacity, I will not condescend to add 
any proof to that pLdn statement already exhibited, shouing ihat we 
have an annual commercial exposure, equal to s/.t hu7idred inilliuns 
of dollars, and that tivo ifiirds of one fier cent, upon this amount of 
value, ovfuur 7iullions of dollars, is more than is necessary, ii annual- 
ly and systematically appropriated, for this great ol)jecl ; so anxious- 
ly and rightfully desired, by your sea-board, and so essential to the 
honor and obligations of the nation. I will only make a single otiier 
slalcment, by way oi illustrating the smallness of the annual appro- 
priations, necessary for the attainment of this important purpose. 
The animal appropriation oi otic sixth of one Iter cent, on tiie amount 
of the Value of the whole ariiiual commercial exposure, (one million 
of dollars) is sullicienl to build in two years, six seventy-four gun 
ship? ; and takmjj the average expense, in peace and w^iir, the annual 



13 

appropriation of the same sum is sufficient to maintain tlieni aftcr- 
•\vards, in a condition for efficient service. This objection ol pccimia- 
ry inubiUty, may be believed in ihe interior couniry, where tlie Kieai- 
iiess of the commercial properly and ail the tender obliirations, con- 
necied with its pre!5ervaiion,are not realized. But, in the cities and in 
the commercial states, the extent of »hc national resources is more 
truly estimated. They know the magnitude of the interest at stake 
and their essential claim to protection. "^Vhy,bir, were we scriuualy 
to urtje this objection of pecuniary incapacity, to the commcr ;ial meu 
of Massachusetts, they would laugh us to scorn. Let me state a 
single fact. In the year 1745, the state, then the colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, included a population of 220.000 souls, and yet, in 
that infant state of the country, it owned a fleet consisting of ///rtc 
s/iijis, one of nvliich carried tiverity gwis — thr$c anowfi — 07ie brit^ — and 
three nlno/is ; being an aggregate often vessels of war. These pur- 
took of the dangers, and shared in the glory, of that expedition, 
■wliich terminated with the surrendei of Louisburgh. Comparing 
the population, the extent of territory, the capital and all the other 
resources of this great nation, with the narrow means of the colony 
of Massachusetts, at that period of its history, it is not extravagant 
to assert, that the fleet, it then possessed, in proportion to its pecu- 
niary resources, was greater than would be, ia proportion to the re- 
sources of the United States, a fleet of Jifiy sail of (he il?ie and one 
hundred frigates. With what language of wonder and admiration 
does that great orator and prince ot moial statesmen, Edmund 
Burke, in his speech for conciliation with America, speak of the 
commerce and enterprize of that people ! " When we speak of the 
commerce with our colonies, fiction lags after truth ; invention is 
unfruitful, and imagination cold and barren." " No sea, but what is 
vexed by their fisheries. No climate that is not witness to their 
toils. Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of 
France, nor the dexteiious and firm sagacity of English enterprize, 
ever carried this most perilous mode of hard industry to the extent, 
to which it has been pushed, by this recent people ; a pcoi)le, who 
are still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the 
bone of manhood." And shall the descendants of such a people be 
told that their commercial rights are not worth defending, that the 
national arm is not equal to their protection ? And this too, after 
the lapse of almost fwrty years has added an extent to their com- 
merce beyond all parallel, in history, and after the stiengtli and re- 
sources, associated to protect them exceed, in point of population 
seven millions of souls, possessing a real and personal capital, abso* 
lutely incalculable ? 

Our pecuniary capacity, then, is unquestionable, but it is said, we 
are deficient in physical power. It is strange that thoic, who urge 
this objection, assert it only as it respects Great Britain, and admit, 
either expressly, or by implication, indeed they cannot deny, that it 
is within our physical capacity to maintain our maritime rights 
against every other nauon. Now, let it be granted, that wc have 
such an utter incapacity, in relation to the Bntiwh naval power ; 
grant that, at the nod of that nation, we must abandon tnc ocean, to 



14 

the very months of our harbo;s ; nay our harbors themselves. 
Wliai ihcn I Does it follow thut a naval force is useless ? Because 
we must submit to have our rijjhts plundered by one power, does it 
follow wr must be tame and submissive to every other ? Look at 
the fact. ^Ve have, within these ten years, lost more property by 
the plunder of the minor naval powers of Europe, France included, 
than would have been enough to have built and maintained twice 
tlie number of s!iips, suflicicnl for our protection, against their de- 
p^cdatio^^. 1 cannot exceed the fact, when I state the loss, within 
that period, liy those powers, at t/iirtij millions of dollars. Our capa- 
city to defend our coniHicrce, agains*. every one of these powers, is 
undcnial>lc. liecause wc cannot maintain our rights against the 
strong, shall we bear insult, and invite plunder, from the weak? 
Because there is one Leviathan, in the ocean, shall every shark sati- 
ate his maw, on our fatness, with impunity ? 

Bill let us examine this doctrine of utter inability to maintain our 
maritime liv^hts, against Great Britain, so obstrusively and vehe- 
menily maintained by some, who clamor the most violently, against 
her insults and injuries. If the project were to maintain our mari- 
time rii^hts, against that mistress of the sea, by convoys spread over 
every ocean, there would, indeed, be, something, ludicrously fanciful 
and w ild, in the proposition. But nothing like this is either propos- 
ed, or desired. The humility of commercial hope, in reference to 
that nation, rises no higher than the protection of our harbors, the 
security of our coasts and coasting trade. Is it possible that such a 
power as this shall be denied to exist, in this nation ? If it exist, is 
it possible that its exercise shall be wi;h-held ? 

Look at the present state of our harbours and sea-coast. See their 
exposure, I will not say to the fleets of Great Britain, but to any 
single ship of the line ; to any single frigate ; to any single sloop of 
war. It is true the policy of that nation induces her to regard your 
proliil/itoiy laws, and licr ships, now, seldom visit your ports. But 
suppose her policy should change ; suppose any one of her ships of 
war should chuse to burn any of the numerous settlements upon your 
sea-cost; or to plunder the inhabitants of it ; would there not be 
some security to those exposed citizens, if a naval force were lying, 
in every great harbour of the United States, competent to protect, or 
avenge the aggression of any single ship of war, of whatever force ? 
Would not the knowledge of its existence teach the naval comman- 
ders of that nation, both caution and respect ? Sir. It is worthy of 
this nation, and fully within its capacity, to maintain such a force. 
Not a single sea-bull should put his head over our acknowledged wa- 
ter-line, without finding a power suflicient to take him by the horns. 
' But it is said that, ''in case of actual war, with Gicat Britain, our 
" sliips would be useless. She would come and taue them." In re- 
ply, to this objection, 1 shall not recur to those details of circumstan- 
ces, already so frequently stated, which would give our ships of war, 
fighting, on their own coasts, and in the proximity of relief and supply, 
so many ndvaiitagcs over the ships of a nation, obliged to come 
three thousand miles to the coinl)at. But allowing this argument, from 
British naval superiority its full force, I ask. What is that temper, 



15 

on which a nation can most safely rely in the day of trial ? Is it that, 
whicii takes council of fear, or that, which listens, only to ihe sujj- 
geslions of duty ? Is it that, which magnifies all tlie red dangers, un- 
til hope and exertion are paralized, in tlicir first gcrniinaiiuns ? Or, 
is it that, which dares to attempt noble ends, by ai>|):opriaic means , 
which, wisely, weighing the nature of any anticipated exigency, 
prepares, according toils powers, resolved that, whuicvcr else it may 
want, to itself, it will never be wanting ? Grant all that is said, con- 
cerning British naval superiority, in the events ol war, lias compara- 
tive weakness nothing to hope from opportunity ? Arc not the cir- 
cumstances, in which this country and Great Britain would be placed, 
relative to naval combats, upon our own coast, of a nature to strength- 
en the hope of such opportunity ? Is it of no worth to a nation to be 
in a condition to avail itself of conjunctures and occurrences ? Mr. 
Speaker. Preperation, in such cases, is every thmg. All history 
is replete wish the trnth, that " the battle is not always lo tlie strong,—. 
but that time and chance happen to all." Suppose that great Britain 
should send Twelve Seventy-fours to burn our cities, or lay waste our 
coasts. Might nob such a naval force be dispersed by storms ; dimi- 
nished by shipwrecks ; or delayed and weakend by the events of the 
voyage? In such case, would it be nothing to have even half that 
number of line of battle ships, in a state of vigorous preparatioii, 
ready to take the advantage of so probable a circumstance ; and so 
providential an interposition ? The adage, of our school books, is 
as true, in relation to states, as to men in common life ;^ 
" Heaven helps those, who help themselves.'* It is almost a law of 
nature. God grants every thing to wisdom and virtue. He denies 
every thing to folly and baseness. Bnt suppose the worst. Grant 
that, in a battle, such as our brave seamen would fight, in defence of 
their country ,our naval force be vanquished. What then ? Did ene- 
mies ever plunder, or violate, more fiercely, when weakened and crip- 
pled by the effects of a hart' bought victory, than when ilusbcd, their 
veins full, they rush upon their prey, with cupidity stimuluied by con- 
tempt ? Did any foe, ever grant to pusillanimity, what it wouUl have 
denied to prowess ? To be conquered, is not, always, lo be disgraced. 
The heroes, who shall perish in sucii combats, shall not fill in vain 
for their country. Their blood will be the most precious, us well as the 
strongest, cement of our Union. What is it, that constitutes, the 
moral tie of our nation ? Is it that paper contract, callcil ihe consti- 
tution ? Why is it, that the man of Virginia, the man of (."arolina, 
and the man of Massachusetts are dearer to each oihci- ilian is, to ei- 
ther, the man of South America or the West Indies ? Locality lus lit- 
tle to do with implanting this inherent feeling and personal acquain- 
tance lesSi Whence, then, does it result but from ttiat moral sen- 
timent, which pervades all and is precious to all, of having shareil 
common dangers,forthe attainment of coramoa blessings. Tliestroji:^ 
ties of every people are those, wliich spring from the hcait and twine 
through the affections. The family compact of the States has ihi> 
for its basis, that their heroes have niingled ilieir blood, in ihe same 
contests j that all have a common right in their glory ; ihat, if I may 
be allowed the expression, in the temple of patriotism all have the 
same worship. 



16 

But "u "is inquired, '' what effect will this policy have upon the pre- 
sent cxii^ency f" I answer, the happiest, in every aspect. To ex- 
hibit a definitive intent to maintain maritime rii^lits, by maritime 
means, what is it, but to dcvclo|>c new stamina of national cliurac- 
ter ? No nation CUD, or has a rij^ht, to hope respect from others, 
which does not first learn to respect itself. And how is this to be 
attained ? IJy a course of conduct, conformable to its duties, and re- 
lative toils condition. Ifii abandons, what it ought to defend ; i*" it 
flics f^rom tlie field, it is bound to maintain, how can it hope for hon- 
o" ? To what other inheritance is it entitled, but dis.a;race ? For- 
eign nations, un(loul)tediy, look upon this union, with eyes, long 
read in the history of man ; and with thout^hts, deeply, versed, in 
the cflccts of passion and interest, upon independent states, associa- 
ted by lies, so, apparently, slight and novel. They understand well, 
that the rivalries among the great interests of such states ; the nat- 
ural envyings, which, in all countries, spring between agriculture, 
commerce and manufactories ; the inevitable jealousies and tears of 
each other, of south and north, interior and sea-board; the incipi- 
ent, or progressive rancour of party animosity; are the essential 
weaknesses of sovereignties, thus, combined. Whether these caus- 
es shall operate, or whether ihey shall cease, foreign nations will 
gather from the features of our policy. They cannot believe that 
such a nation is strong, in the aft'eclions of its associated parts, when 
they see the vital interests of whole states abandoned. But reverse 
this policy ; show a definitive and stable intent to yield the natural 
protection to such essential interests ; then ihey will respect you. 
And, to powerful nations, honor comes attended by safety. 

Mr. Speaker — What is national disgrace? Of wh.-tt stuff is it com- 
posed ? Is a nation disgraced because its (lag is insulted ; — because 
its seamen are impressed ; — because its course, upon the highway 
of the ocean, is obstructed ? No, sir. Abstractedly considered, all 
this is not disgrace. Because all this may happen to a nation, so 
weak as not to be able to maintain the dignity of its (lag ; or the 
freedom of its citizen's ; or the safely of its course. Natural weak- 
ness is never disgrace. But, sir, this is disgrace ; when we submit 
to insuh, and to injury, whicli we have the power l« prevent, or re- 
dress. Its essential constituents are want of sense, or want of spirit. 
When a nation, with anijjle means, for its defence, is so thick in the 
brain, as not to put them into a suitable slate of preparation ; or, 
when, with sufTicitnt muscular force, it is so tame, in spirit, as to 
seek saftiv, not in manly eilort, but in retirement ; then a nation is 
disgraced ; then it sinks from its high and soveieign cliaracler, into 
th.it of the tiibe of Issachar, touching down, between two burdens ; 
tli<- liench l)urdcn, on the one side, and the British burden, on the 
other, so dull, so lifeless, so stupid, that, were it not for is brayinLr, 
il c(iuld not be disii.iguishef' from the «lod of the valley. 

It is impossible for European nations not to know, lliatwe a:c the 
second commercial country in the world ; that we have more than 
seven millions of pc<»ple ; with less annual expemlilurc and more 
uni'lcdged sovirtcs of revenue than any nation, of the civilized 
world. Vet a nation, thus, distinguished, auoundinjj in we.dlh, in 



17 

enterprise and in power, is seen, flyinq; away from '' the unprofitable 
contest," ab.mcloniii,u^ ihe field of coniroveisy ; takinjj it-tuye bvhind 
its own doors and softcnini^ the rigors of o[)prebsion ...bioad, by a 
coiTipariso:., with worse torments, at liome. OurIu such a nation 
to ask lOi- respect ? Is liicrc any other mode ol relief from this 
dcptii of disgrace, than by a cliangc of national conduct and char- 
acv ? 

With re?pect to Great Britain, it seems impossible, that such a change in 
our policy, should not be auspicious!. No nation ever did, or ever can con- 
duct towards one, that i- true, in the same way as it conducts towards one, 
that i- false to all its obligations. Clear conceptions of interest and faithful 
fulfilment of duty, ab certainly injure, sooner or later, honour and safety, as 
blindness to intere:.t and abandonment of duty do, as-.uredly, entail disgrace 
and embarrassment. In relation to the principle, which regulates the com- 
mercial contluct of Great Britain towards the United States, there is much 
scope for diversity of opinion. Perhaps, those judge most truly, who do not 
attribute to her any very di-tinct, or uniform, system of action, in relation to 
us ; but who deem her course to re8ult from views of temporary expedience, 
growing out of the circumstances of the time, and the character of our ad- 
mini trarion. If this be the case, then, whatever course of conduct ha» a 
tendency to show a change, in the character of the American policy must 
produce a proportionate change, in that of the British. And if tamcuess and 
sy tcmatic abandonment of our commercial rights ha»e had the effect to bring 
upon U-. to many miseries, a contrary course of conduct, having for its basis 
a wise spirit and systematic naval support, it may well be hoped, will have 
the opposite efiect of renewing our prosperity. But, if it be true, asi is so fre- 
quently and so confidently, a-serted, that Great Britain is jealous of our com- 
mercial greatness ; if it be true that ohe would depress us, as rival- ; if she 
begins to regard us as a power, which may soon curb, if not, in afcertimes 
spurn, her proud control on her favorite element, then, indeed, she may be 
disposed to quench the ardor of our naval enterprise ; then, indeed, it may 
be her care so to shape the course of her policy as to deprive our commerce 
of all hope of its natural protection ; and to co-operate with, and cherish, 
3uch an administration, in this country, as hates a naval force and loves com- 
mercial restriction In this view of her policy ; and I am far from asserting, 
it i". not correct, is it not obviou , that she may be content, wiih the present 
condition of our commerce ? Except acknowledged colonial va??alage, what 
state of things would be more de irable to her ? I'he whole sea is her own. 
Her American rival, tamely, make cession of it to her possession. Our com- 
mercial capital is, already, seeking employment, in her cities; and our sea- 
men, in her ships. What then results ? Is it not, on this view of her policy, 
undeniable, that an administration, in this country, for the purposes of Great 
Britain, is such as thinks commerce not worth having, or not worth defend- 
ing ; such as, in every scheme of nominal protection, meditates to it nothing, 
but additional embarrassment and eventual abandonment ? Must not such 
an admini tration be convenient to a Briti h ministry, if such be Briti-h poli- 
ty ? And if British ministers should ever find such an administration, in this 
country, made to their hand", may we not anticipate that they will take care, 
to manage, vvith a view to its continuance in power ? Of all policy the most 
ominou to British ascendancy, is that of a systematic, maritime defence of 
our maritime rights. 

The general effect of the policy, I advocate, is to produce confidence at 
home, and respect abroad The.e are twin shoots from the same stock and 
never fail to flouri h, or fade together. Confidence is a plant of no mushroom 
growth and of no anificial texture. It springs, only, from sage councils and 
ge*ierou endeavors. The p»-otection, you extend must be efficient and suit- 
ed to the nature of the object, you profess to maintain. If it be neither ad- 
C 



18 

equate, nor appropriate, your wisdom may be doubted, your motive^ maybe 
di tru-ttd, but, in vain, you expect confidence. The inh ibit^nts of the ca« 
board will iiuiiiire of their own senses and not of your logic, concerning the 
reality of their protection. 

As to reipect abroad, what course can be more certain to ensure it ? What 
object more honourable, what more dignified, than to behold a great nation 
pur^uing wi-^e ends, by appropriate means ; rising to adobt a serie-; of -ys- 
tematic exertions, suited to her power and adequate to her purpo es ? What 
object more consolatory to the friends, what more paralizing to the enemies 
of our union, tha •■ to behold the natural jealousies and rivalries, which are 
the acknowledged dangers of our political condition, subsiding, or sacrific- 
ing ■ What sight more exhiiirating than to see thi^ great nation, once more, 
•walking forth, among the nation^ of the earth, under the protection of no fo- 
reign shield ? Peaceful, because powerful. Powerful, bccau'e united in in- 
terest^ and amalgamated by concentration of those interests, in the national 
affection . 

But kt the opposite policy prevail ; let the essential interests of the great 
compoiient parts of thi^ union find no protection, under the national arm ; in- 
stead of safety, let them realize oppre-sion, and the seeds of diocord, and dis- 
solution are, inevitably, «,own, in a soil, the be.-t fitted for their root, and af- 
fording the richest nourishment for their cxpanbion. It may be a long time 
before they ripen. But, sooner, or later, they will assuredly, burst forth, in 
all their destructive energies. In the intermediate period, what aspect does 
an luiion, thus destitute of cement, pre ent ? Is it that of a nation keen to 
discern and strong to resi t violations of its sovereignty ? It has rather the 
appearance of a casual collection of semi-barbarou=! clans ; with the torms of 
civilization and with the rude and rending pa -ions of the avage state. In 
tiuth, powerful. Vet, as to any foreign effect, imbecile Rich in the goods 
of fortune, yet wanting that inherent spirit, without which a nation is poor 
ind'cd ; their strength exhausted, by struggles for local power ; their moral 
sense debased, by low intrigue^ for personal popularity, or temporary pre-em- 
inence ; all their thoughts turned, not to the -afety uf the ■.tate, but to the 
elevation of a chieftain. A people, presenting such an a pect, — what have 
they to expect abroad ? What, but piliage, inuit and corn ? 

The choice is before us. Per-i<t in refu ing efficient maritime protection ; 
pcr-ist in the system of commercial rcolrictioaj ; what now, is, perhaps, an- 
ticipation, will, hereafter, be history. 

LiBRfiRV OF CONGRESS 
011 896 611 ^W 



